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Seen as having the backing of the paper’s more left-leaning journalists, she had been appointed by the Guardian’s owners after winning an indicative ballot among staff with 53% of the vote, well ahead of her nearest two rivals in the low twenties (a mandate only slightly shy of that which Corbyn would receive).

Could she be exerting her will over the Guardian’s executive editor of opinion, Jonathan Freedland, a man whose politics were viscerally opposed to Corbyn’s?

Labour elites clearly regarded the Guardian as an important medium for communicating with voters, as several of them – including David Miliband, Alan Johnson, Peter Hain and Tony Blair – chose to place anti-Corbyn opinion pieces in the newspaper.

In the Guardian these New Labour veterans found a reliable ally.

Because otherwise the Tories’ battering of the welfare state “could be entirely obscured in an exchange of empty clichés about ‘reform’ if nobody does what Mr Corbyn will do, and vows to fight the cuts.” The Guardian even welcomed the prospect that Corbyn’s “opposition to Trident could spark an overdue debate about defence.” This was all OK because “few—and perhaps not even the modestly mannered Mr Corbyn himself—would imagine [him] in No 10.” His role would be strictly to “force more definition on the rest of the pack.” Nevertheless, optimists could read in to such a supportive editorial hints of a hoped-for shift in the political stance of the newspaper.

Just two weeks earlier Kath Viner had taken over as editor, the first woman to hold the post.

As his team scrambled for MPs’ nominations, the newspaper even devoted an editorial to helping him.

Titled “The Guardian view on Labour’s leadership: don’t narrow down a lack-lustre contest,” the newspaper argued that Corbyn “has a right to a place” in the election, despite being a “radical leftist.” Why?

The Guardian occupied a special place in relation to the left.

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